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Rose 1997). Thinking futures 27 In Part II we shift to the intimate specifics of family life. Chapters 3–6, based on fieldwork and in-depth case studies of some six families affected by Huntington’s Disease, comprise the heart of the ethnographic enterprise. Here we are concerned with the generation and narration of particular ‘home truths’. We consider how these truths are elicited as processes of value construction within local moral worlds of genetic prognostication. Where newly acquired knowledge of a late-onset genetically inherited illness becomes a part of everyday reality for a given family, cross-generational and inter-generational relations between kin are seen to be affected in a number of ways.
Ethical policy and theory, as a form of reasoning about scientific progress has evolved out of concerns over the ‘right’ and ‘wrong’ way to apply new knowledge; it is not fundamentally an inventive force in its own right but simply responsive to past scientific inventions, developments or imminent ‘breakthroughs’. This particular belief, extensively promoted by scientists, is intimately bound up with certain conceptions about what distinguishes ‘good’ science from ‘bad’ science. 7 It was also the continuation of a running commentary on the embeddedness of science in society that stoked pre-existing internal science disputes about the morality of science, especially its relation to concepts of ‘value’.
The other more charitable way of reading the statement is to see an anthropology of morality as the epistemological mover arbitrating the meaning of value itself. In which case, science cannot proceed beyond the cross-cultural study of morality because anthropology has something interesting to say to science and science should take note! In either case, just look how easy it is for the scientist to cross into anthropology and Approaching translocations 35 appear to make authoritative judgements about the status of moral ethnography!